Apologies for the lateness of this post. Tech problems and general business.
Today Israel tries to enter talks to start bringing an end to the awfulness in Gaza, whilst a UN compound it has shelled (probably with ‘white phosphorus’ rounds that are banned by international convention from being used anywhere near civilian populations, or, indeed, in and built-up areas at all) burns. In light of this, it seems foolish to talk about anything else. Yet I am.
I intended to write apiece about the possible opening of British courts to television. For the record, I think that turning peoples lives into entertainment is appalling, and can only lead to the persecution and destruction of people innocent and guilty alike. A court system has to be totally anonymous to have any kind of integrity at all. Sensationalism has no place in making fair judgements. It can only lead to people being judged twice – once in court, and then again in the court of public opinion. It’s awful that this happens already to a greater or lesser degree by means of the tabloids. Televised trails can only make this worse.
But something else has happened today that’s made me sit up a little and smile the kind of grin that only a cynicism fathered by constant disappointment can produce. There are many ways to understand politics – lots of competing theories and trends, some of which are simultaneously good ways of analysing things, sometimes bad. Here’s one way of looking at it that I think might be useful. It is, sadly, not the only way to lead yourself to the same conclusion.
During the eighties, you got the feeling in the UK that one side of parliament (the Conservatives) was populated by people who had gone into politics as a career because they thought they ought to be in charge, whilst the other (Labour) was largely made up of people who’d got into politics because they feared what would happen if they didn’t. Ex trade-unionists and socialist firebrands mixed with genuinely concerned, principled men (and a few rum buggers, doubtless). Sure, they became jaded, and some of them certainly didn’t seem equal to the task, but you at least got the impression that they gave a damn. But the conservatives, with their arrogant swagger and two-faced morality (perhaps because of it) were the party that consistently won. The people didn’t want integrity, concern and principal. They wanted authority and professionalism. They wanted their politicians to appear slick, and didn’t seem to care that much that they were almost the definition of corruption and self interest.
Enter Tony Blair, spin, and the career politician. The heritage of Maggie and her despicable, slimy little gang of opportunist and liars was this: That people had steadily being joining the Labour party for much the same reason that people had long been joined the Tory party. They were graduates who’d decided to have a ‘career’ in politics, in much the same way that they might have gone into banking or law. People who no longer saw success in terms of pursuing policies that they truly thought was worthy and necessary, but in terms of promotion and the raw success of the party they ‘worked for’ in terms of votes and majorities. A steady trickle for a couple of decades became a flood in the late eighties and early nineties. And because of the way the party was restructuring itself to make itself more electable (i.e. more like the Tory party) meant that people like this were promoted. They didn’t care about anything in particular – they didn’t even care what they said in public. New Labour Inc soon had its board. Soon, in comparison, even the Tories seemed to be a species less professional. So successful was this, in fact, that now the Tories have been forced to restructure to copy Labour, and are now being led by possibly the two most insincere men in England.
But the upshot of all this is that we now have nobody worth voting for. There seems to be an absolute absence of any kind of integrity at all in the houses of parliament. Perhaps always was an illusion, to a greater or lesser extent. I don’t think principal ever been spread as awfully thin across the seat s of the commons as it is now, though. I am left with wondering whether-or-not it’s better to have principals I disagree with rather than no principals at all. Not a pleasant place to be, and it takes away all of the plesure I might get from hearing people say the right things when I strongly suspect that they are saying them for the wrong reasons. I suspect that even they no longer know whether-or not they believe what they are saying. It has ceased to matter. The career is all. Whenever I hear one of the members of the house issue a statement of dubious sincerity, it seems to simply add yet more mass to the weight of my disgust. Like today.
Let’s imagine for a minute that you are one of these ambitious career politician in the UK. You know that your government is essentially only ever going to follow the policies laid out by the American administration with regard to foreign affairs. After suffering under the yoke of the policies of a Texan imbecile and his hawkish cronies for a decade, it looks as though the incoming president might finally be bringing the odd principal to the table. An opportunity to discredit the decisions made by your leader, curry favour with public opinion (that saw the ‘War on Terror’ as a ludicrous and counter-productive exercise from the start) and identify yourself with the higher moral good.
I think, if you were, you might very well say something like this:
From The Guardian:
“The foreign secretary, David Miliband today argues that the use of the “war on terror” as a western rallying cry since the September 11 attacks has been a mistake that may have caused “more harm than good”.
In an article in today’s Guardian, five days before the Bush administration leaves the White House, Miliband delivers a comprehensive critique of its defining mission, saying the war on terror was misconceived and that the west cannot “kill its way” out of the threats it faces.
British officials quietly stopped using the phrase “war on terror” in 2006, but this is the first time it has been comprehensively discarded in the most outspoken remarks on US counterterrorism strategy to date by a British minister.
In remarks that were also made in a speech today in Mumbai, in one of the hotels that was a target of terrorist attacks in November, the foreign secretary says the concept of a war on terror is “misleading and mistaken”.
“Historians will judge whether it has done more harm than good,” Miliband says, adding that, in his opinion, the whole strategy has been dangerously counterproductive, helping otherwise disparate groups find common cause against the west.
“The more we lump terrorist groups together and draw the battle lines as a simple binary struggle between moderates and extremists or good and evil, the more we play into the hands of those seeking to unify groups with little in common,” Miliband argues, in a clear reference to the signature rhetoric of the Bush era. “We should expose their claim to a compelling and overarching explanation and narrative as the lie that it is.”
“Terrorism is a deadly tactic, not an institution or an ideology,” he says.
He argues that “the war on terror implied a belief that the correct response to the terrorist threat was primarily a military one – to track down and kill a hardcore of extremists”. But he quotes an American commander, General David Petraeus, saying the western coalition in Iraq “could not kill its way out of the problems of insurgency and civil strife”.
Instead of trying to build western solidarity against a shared enemy, Miliband argues it should be constructed instead on the “idea of who we are and the values we share”.
He goes on to say that “democracies must respond to terrorism by championing the rule of law, not subordinating. It is an argument he links directly with the Guantánamo Bay detention camp. “That is surely the lesson of Guantánamo and it is why we welcome president-elect Obama’s clear commitment to close it.”
After the Al Qaida attacks of 11 September 2001, the Bush administration presented the threat of a global terrorist onslaught as justification for pre-emptive military action, long-term detention without trial and severe interrogation techniques widely denounced by human rights groups as torture. The incoming Obama administration is expected to avoid using the term “war on terror” and adopt a more multilateral and less military-focused approach to global threats.
British officials are signalling, in increasingly public ways, that they cannot wait for the new team to take office next Tuesday, and wave goodbye to an eight-year administration with which they felt increasingly ill at ease, particularly following the departure of Tony Blair in 2007.
Miliband said last night that the incoming administration’s proposed use of “smart power” meshed with his arguments. “The new administration has a set of values that fit very well with the values and priorities I am talking about,” he said during a visit to Amethi, northern India.
Asked whether he had not left it late in the Bush era to make his criticism, the foreign secretary said British officials had stopped thinking in terms of a single war on terror more than two years ago, and had been putting a “more comprehensive approach” into practice.
British officials said the timing of the speech was dictated more by the Mumbai attacks than Bush’s departure, but added that the transition in Washington meant the language could be less cautious than it might otherwise have been.
UK-US relations have been particular sour in recent days after Washington reneged on a pledge to back a largely British-drafted UN resolution calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. The White House over-ruled US diplomats after a demand from the Israeli prime minister, Ehud Olmert.”